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THE PML (N) manifesto released the other day promises,
in terms of its philosophical content, “strengthening of the
ideological moorings of Pakistan” and incorporation of the
Islamic values into our national life. It also promises “true
democracy” based on the supremacy of the Parliament and rule
of law in the country. This philosophical thrust along with the
social and economic agenda unveiled in the manifesto, the party
leadership hopes would result in the emancipation of all oppressed
people including women, labour, and minorities and usher in a “better
tomorrow for all Pakistan.”
What
is meant by “strengthening the ideological moorings”
of the state and how does the PML (N) intend to go about it if returned
to power, however has not been spelt out in any detail. The Party
has to clearly state what its definition of the ideology is or at
least whose definition of the ideology it intends to adopt, whose
moorings it has promised to strengthen.
The ideology
as defined by the Quaid, when he said “you may belong to any
religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business
of the state” or the ideology as propounded by the ideologue
of PML (n), i.e. Maulana Abdus Sattar Niazi when he said “only
he has the authority to rule who is more pious and wise?”
It is not an idle question because it was during Mr. Nawaz Sharif’s
30-month stint as prime minister that his ideologues bulldozed the
Ideology Bill prescribing 10 years rigorous imprisonment to anyone
who “defiled the ideology of Pakistan” without even
defining what ideology was. Dictionaries define the world ‘ideology’
as “an abstract set of ideas and a visionary theorizing.”
A party which has once made an abstract concept the basis of criminal
prosecution owes to the electorate to delimit the parameters of
that concept. The question is also relevant, because on the basis
of his understanding of the term ‘ideology’ the Quaid,
had **** the minorities that there would be no difference in the
political and social rights guaranteed to them but the PML, claiming
to be the Quaid’s party and whose mantle of leadership has
been adorned by Mian Sahib, adopted a different course. It adopted
separate electorate and Hudood Ordinances as its guiding philosophy
thus relegating both women and the minorities to the status of the
oppressed classes. It is pertinent to ask whether the guiding principles
of yester years have been abandoned?
It is heartening
that the manifesto pledges “true democracy” based on
the supremacy of the Parliament-a clear reference to undoing the
Eighth Amendment. But here again the party has sought refuge behind
subterfuges so as not to displease the religious lobby. The Eighth
Amendment has distorted democracy by making the Parliament subordinate
to handpicked court in the name of Shariah and Islam. “True
democracy” and supremacy of the Parliament cannot be restored
until the Eighth Amendment is removed in its entirety and the Shariat
Court divested of powers to strike down laws passed by the Parliament.
But the manifesto is silent on this crucial issue and seeks to modify
the constitution only to the extent of divesting the President of
his powers to dissolve the National Assembly.
Nevertheless
what is good about the manifesto is that it recognizes, perhaps
for the first time, the need to investigate allegations of corruption
against elected representatives and providing for permanent mechanism
for accountability. It also promises a “transparent framework
to provide the right to information to every citizen.” Since
corruption and violations of the law thrive in secrecy the “right
to information” legislation will go a long way in tearing
apart the shroud of secrecy around government decisions and expose
wrongdoing by legislators and public representatives. Politically
conscious people will now watch whether this important promise made
in the manifesto will be honoured if the party is returned to power.
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